Iran: Bluffmakeri kring ”stulet val”

juni 27, 2009

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James Petras commenting on the recent Iranian elections, concluded June 12th, 2009.

The Iraq Committee in Lund – Irakkommittén i Lund – publishes this article for the sake of discussion and debate. We have not voted for an official position on the matter.
We do, however, find the article interesting.

An abstract,

”The demography of voting reveals a real class polarization pitting high income, free market oriented, capitalist individualists against working class, low income, community based supporters of a ‘moral economy’ in which usury and profiteering are limited by religious precepts.”

/The Iraq Committee in Lund (Irakkommittén i Lund)

This post in English, since it is written in La Paz, Bolivia.
Certain Swedish letters with diacritics absent on keyboard.

Iranian Elections: The ‘Stolen Elections’ Hoax

There is hardly any election, in which the White House has a significant stake, where the electoral defeat of the pro-US candidate is not denounced as illegitimate by the entire political and mass media elite.

. – 18.06.09

“Change for the poor means food and jobs, not a relaxed dress code or mixed recreation…Politics in Iran is a lot more about class war than religion.”
Financial Times Editorial, June 15 2009


There is hardly any election, in which the White House has a significant stake, where the electoral defeat of the pro-US candidate is not denounced as illegitimate by the entire political and mass media elite. In the most recent period, the White House and its camp followers cried foul following the free (and monitored) elections in Venezuela and Gaza, while joyously fabricating an ‘electoral success’ in Lebanon despite the fact that the Hezbollah-led coalition received over 53% of the vote.

The recently concluded, June 12, 2009 elections in Iran are a classic case: The incumbent nationalist-populist President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (MA) received 63.3% of the vote (or 24.5 million votes), while the leading Western-backed liberal opposition candidate Hossein Mousavi (HM) received 34.2% or (3.2 million votes). Iran’s presidential election drew a record turnout of more than 80% of the electorate, including an unprecedented overseas vote of 234,812, in which HM won 111,792 to MA’s 78,300. The opposition led by HM did not accept their defeat and organized a series of mass demonstrations that turned violent, resulting in the burning and destruction of automobiles, banks, public building and armed confrontations with the police and other authorities. Almost the entire spectrum of Western opinion makers, including all the major electronic and print media, the major liberal, radical, libertarian and conservative web-sites, echoed the opposition’s claim of rampant election fraud.

Neo-conservatives, libertarian conservatives and Trotskyites joined the Zionists in hailing the opposition protestors as the advance guard of a democratic revolution. Democrats and Republicans condemned the incumbent regime, refused to recognize the result of the vote and praised the demonstrators’ efforts to overturn the electoral outcome. The New York Times, CNN, Washington Post, the Israeli Foreign Office and the entire leadership of the Presidents of the Major American Jewish Organizations called for harsher sanctions against Iran and announced Obama’s proposed dialogue with Iran as ‘dead in the water’.

The Electoral Fraud Hoax

Western leaders rejected the results because they ‘knew’ that their reformist candidate could not lose…For months they published daily interviews, editorials and reports from the field ‘detailing’ the failures of Ahmadinejad’s administration; they cited the support from clerics, former officials, merchants in the bazaar and above all women and young urbanites fluent in English, to prove that Mousavi was headed for a landslide victory. A victory for Mousavi was described as a victory for the ‘voices of moderation’, at least the White House’s version of that vacuous cliché. Prominent liberal academics deduced the vote count was fraudulent because the opposition candidate, Mousavi, lost in his own ethnic enclave among the Azeris. Other academics claimed that the ‘youth vote’ – based on their interviews with upper and middle-class university students from the neighborhoods of Northern Tehran were overwhelmingly for the ‘reformist’ candidate.

What is astonishing about the West’s universal condemnation of the electoral outcome as fraudulent is that not a single shred of evidence in either written or observational form has been presented either before or a week after the vote count. During the entire electoral campaign, no credible (or even dubious) charge of voter tampering was raised. As long as the Western media believed their own propaganda of an immanent victory for their candidate, the electoral process was described as highly competitive, with heated public debates and unprecedented levels of public activity and unhindered by public proselytizing. The belief in a free and open election was so strong that the Western leaders and mass media believed that their favored candidate would win.

The Western media relied on its reporters covering the mass demonstrations of opposition supporters, ignoring and downplaying the huge turnout for Ahmadinejad. Worse still, the Western media ignored the class composition of the competing demonstrations – the fact that the incumbent candidate was drawing his support from the far more numerous poor working class, peasant, artisan and public employee sectors while the bulk of the opposition demonstrators was drawn from the upper and middle class students, business and professional class.

Moreover, most Western opinion leaders and reporters based in Tehran extrapolated their projections from their observations in the capital – few venture into the provinces, small and medium size cities and villages where Ahmadinejad has his mass base of support. Moreover the opposition’s supporters were an activist minority of students easily mobilized for street activities, while Ahmadinejad’s support drew on the majority of working youth and household women workers who would express their views at the ballot box and had little time or inclination to engage in street politics.

A number of newspaper pundits, including Gideon Rachman of the Financial Times, claim as evidence of electoral fraud the fact that Ahmadinejad won 63% of the vote in an Azeri-speaking province against his opponent, Mousavi, an ethnic Azeri. The simplistic assumption is that ethnic identity or belonging to a linguistic group is the only possible explanation of voting behavior rather than other social or class interests. A closer look at the voting pattern in the East-Azerbaijan region of Iran reveals that Mousavi won only in the city of Shabestar among the upper and the middle classes (and only by a small margin), whereas he was soundly defeated in the larger rural areas, where the re-distributive policies of the Ahmadinejad government had helped the ethnic Azeris write off debt, obtain cheap credits and easy loans for the farmers. Mousavi did win in the West-Azerbaijan region, using his ethnic ties to win over the urban voters. In the highly populated Tehran province, Mousavi beat Ahmadinejad in the urban centers of Tehran and Shemiranat by gaining the vote of the middle and upper class districts, whereas he lost badly in the adjoining working class suburbs, small towns and rural areas.

The careless and distorted emphasis on ‘ethnic voting’ cited by writers from the Financial Times and New York Times to justify calling Ahmadinejad ‘s victory a ‘stolen vote’ is matched by the media’s willful and deliberate refusal to acknowledge a rigorous nationwide public opinion poll conducted by two US experts just three weeks before the vote, which showed Ahmadinejad leading by a more than 2 to 1 margin – even larger than his electoral victory on June 12. This poll revealed that among ethnic Azeris, Ahmadinejad was favored by a 2 to 1 margin over Mousavi, demonstrating how class interests represented by one candidate can overcome the ethnic identity of the other candidate (Washington Post June 15, 2009). The poll also demonstrated how class issues, within age groups, were more influential in shaping political preferences than ‘generational life style’. According to this poll, over two-thirds of Iranian youth were too poor to have access to a computer and the 18-24 year olds “comprised the strongest voting bloc for Ahmadinejad of all groups” (Washington Porst June 15, 2009). The only group, which consistently favored Mousavi, was the university students and graduates, business owners and the upper middle class. The ‘youth vote’, which the Western media praised as ‘pro-reformist’, was a clear minority of less than 30% but came from a highly privileged, vocal and largely English speaking group with a monopoly on the Western media. Their overwhelming presence in the Western news reports created what has been referred to as the ‘North Tehran Syndrome’, for the comfortable upper class enclave from which many of these students come. While they may be articulate, well dressed and fluent in English, they were soundly out-voted in the secrecy of the ballot box.

In general, Ahmadinejad did very well in the oil and chemical producing provinces. This may have be a reflection of the oil workers’ opposition to the ‘reformist’ program, which included proposals to ‘privatize’ public enterprises. Likewise, the incumbent did very well along the border provinces because of his emphasis on strengthening national security from US and Israeli threats in light of an escalation of US-sponsored cross-border terrorist attacks from Pakistan and Israeli-backed incursions from Iraqi Kurdistan, which have killed scores of Iranian citizens. Sponsorship and massive funding of the groups behind these attacks is an official policy of the US from the Bush Administration, which has not been repudiated by President Obama; in fact it has escalated in the lead-up to the elections.

What Western commentators and their Iranian protégés have ignored is the powerful impact which the devastating US wars and occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan had on Iranian public opinion: Ahmadinejad’s strong position on defense matters contrasted with the pro-Western and weak defense posture of many of the campaign propagandists of the opposition.

The great majority of voters for the incumbent probably felt that national security interests, the integrity of the country and the social welfare system, with all of its faults and excesses, could be better defended and improved with Ahmadinejad than with upper-class technocrats supported by Western-oriented privileged youth who prize individual life styles over community values and solidarity.

The demography of voting reveals a real class polarization pitting high income, free market oriented, capitalist individualists against working class, low income, community based supporters of a ‘moral economy’ in which usury and profiteering are limited by religious precepts. The open attacks by opposition economists of the government welfare spending, easy credit and heavy subsidies of basic food staples did little to ingratiate them with the majority of Iranians benefiting from those programs. The state was seen as the protector and benefactor of the poor workers against the ‘market’, which represented wealth, power, privilege and corruption. The Opposition’s attack on the regime’s ‘intransigent’ foreign policy and positions ‘alienating’ the West only resonated with the liberal university students and import-export business groups. To many Iranians, the regime’s military buildup was seen as having prevented a US or Israeli attack.

The scale of the opposition’s electoral deficit should tell us is how out of touch it is with its own people’s vital concerns. It should remind them that by moving closer to Western opinion, they removed themselves from the everyday interests of security, housing, jobs and subsidized food prices that make life tolerable for those living below the middle class and outside the privileged gates of Tehran University.

Amhadinejad’s electoral success, seen in historical comparative perspective should not be a surprise. In similar electoral contests between nationalist-populists against pro-Western liberals, the populists have won. Past examples include Peron in Argentina and, most recently, Chavez of Venezuela, Evo Morales in Bolivia and even Lula da Silva in Brazil, all of whom have demonstrated an ability to secure close to or even greater than 60% of the vote in free elections. The voting majorities in these countries prefer social welfare over unrestrained markets, national security over alignments with military empires.

The consequences of the electoral victory of Ahmadinejad are open to debate. The US may conclude that continuing to back a vocal, but badly defeated, minority has few prospects for securing concessions on nuclear enrichment and an abandonment of Iran’s support for Hezbollah and Hamas. A realistic approach would be to open a wide-ranging discussion with Iran, and acknowledging, as Senator Kerry recently pointed out, that enriching uranium is not an existential threat to anyone. This approach would sharply differ from the approach of American Zionists, embedded in the Obama regime, who follow Israel’s lead of pushing for a preemptive war with Iran and use the specious argument that no negotiations are possible with an ‘illegitimate’ government in Tehran which ‘stole an election’.

Recent events suggest that political leaders in Europe, and even some in Washington, do not accept the Zionist-mass media line of ‘stolen elections’. The White House has not suspended its offer of negotiations with the newly re-elected government but has focused rather on the repression of the opposition protesters (and not the vote count). Likewise, the 27 nation European Union expressed ‘serious concern about violence’ and called for the “aspirations of the Iranian people to be achieved through peaceful means and that freedom of expression be respected” (Financial Times June 16, 2009 p.4). Except for Sarkozy of France, no EU leader has questioned the outcome of the voting.

The wild card in the aftermath of the elections is the Israeli response: Netanyahu has signaled to his American Zionist followers that they should use the hoax of ‘electoral fraud’ to exert maximum pressure on the Obama regime to end all plans to meet with the newly re-elected Ahmadinejad regime.

Paradoxically, US commentators (left, right and center) who bought into the electoral fraud hoax are inadvertently providing Netanyahu and his American followers with the arguments and fabrications: Where they see religious wars, we see class wars; where they see electoral fraud, we see imperial destabilization.
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Irakiska motståndet i Stockholm: Vem rapporterar?

april 25, 2009

Nu har ett av de viktigaste mötena i Sverige på senare år avslutats.

Framstående representanter för irakiernas motståndskamp – däribland en person som talar för en av de allra största grupperna, Muslimska lärdes förbund (AMSI, Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq) – deltog.

Vilka medier kommer att skriva eller rapportera om detta möte?

Att den absoluta majoriteten av alla irakier önskar USA-alliansen ut ur Irak, och att flertalet dessutom stödjer militära attacker riktade mot ockupationsmakten, borde kanske intressera någon?
Eller ska vi bara få ta del av Washingtons, EU:s, NATO:s och ”världssamfundets” version av vad som händer i Irak?

Vad irakierna själva säger och tycker är uppenbarligen mer eller mindre ointressant.
Sådan är imperialismen.

Om mötet:

Ockupationens nya ansikte
– vad väntar Irak?

Fyra framstående representanter för den majoritet irakier som är emot lydregimen i Bagdad kommer till Sverige för att tala om Irak idag och om den framtid som väntar de närmaste åren.

De inbjudna är bemyndigade att tala för den religiösa, militära, politiska, sociala och klanorganiserade oppositionen mot ockupationen och den av USA installerade regimen. De är också vittnen till de gångna sex årens massakrer och illdåd, fångläger, ockupationens ”politiska process”, motståndet, korruptionen, de etniska rensningarna etc.

Seminarium lördag 25 april, kl 12-16, entré 100:-, Sandlersalen, plan 1

Presskonferens torsdag 23 april, kl 13-14, konferensummet, plan 2

Plats: ABF Sveavägen 41 Stockholm.

För ytterligare information, kontakta:
Eftikhar Hashem Al Husayni eller
Snorre Lindqvist

Arrangörer: Irakisk Informations Service IRIS, Foro Latinamericano och ABF Stockholm.

Inbjudna till konferensen:

Mohammad Bashar Al-Faidhi, talesman för the Association of Muslim Scholars in Iraq (AMSI), som fördömmer den nya regimen och konstitutionen som illegitim. Medverkade via internet i seminariet ”Irak, Palestina, Afghanistan – samma ockupation” på ABF 18 mars 2007. Se dokumentation på:

Saifaldin Al-Okidi, välkänd general i Iraks förra armé. Har varit ockupationsmaktens fånge och kan vittna om övergreppen mot humanitär rätt.

Mohammad Hassan Khaluf, borgmästare i Falluja under ockupationens första skede.

Raad Nassir Al-Adhami, politiker och ledare för gruppen ”Loyalty to Iraq” som bildades för de senaste parlamentsvalen, men som drog sig tillbaka med skälet att amerikanerna var emot ett riktigt och rättvist val.

Studiedag om Irak och imperialismen

februari 16, 2009
”En studiedag om Irak och imperialismen” (i Malmö)
Med föredrag och diskussioner:
– Orsaker till invasionen 2003, av Mathias Cederholm – historiker vid
Lunds universitet
– Krisen, krigen och imperialismen, av Peter Cohen – författare och
Samt diskussion kring Jeremy Scahills bok Blackwater, inledning av Jon
Bonnevier – Irakkommittén i Lund
Gratis inträde. Alla är välkomna!
Fika finns till försäljning – alla pengar går till Nordisk Hjälp som
bedriver biståndsarbete på Gazaremsan.
Tid – lördag 21 februari kl 12.15 – 18.00
Plats – Kvarnby folkhögskola, ”Röda Huset”, Industrigatan 4, 3e vån
arr. Irakkommittén i Lund

Pengar till Palestina – Länge leve motståndet!

januari 9, 2009


Häv blockaden av Gaza – pressmeddelande från Rättvisecentret för palestinska folket

november 19, 2008

Irakkommittén i Lund hoppas att pressmeddelandet nedan får stor spridning.

Se även Folkliga kommittén mot belägringen i Palestina, Kommittén ”Gaza skall leva” i Italien, Internationella kampanjen mot belägringen av Gaza i Storbritannien och inte minst Campo Antiimperialista, som är mycket engagerade i frågan.

Rättvisecentret för palestinska folket finner man här och här.



Wednesday, November 19, 2008 10:40:03
pressmed ang den orättfärdiga blockaden av Gaza
Justice Center

Hej mina vänner!

ni vet kanske redan att gazas invånare lever i mörkret nu, utan el, utan mat, utan medicin p.g.a. israels belägring, jag har skrivit ett pressmeddelande från rättvisecenter och ber er alla som stödjer rättvisan och mänskliga rättigheter att kopiera den och skicka den vidare till regeringen och till utrikesminister.

Rädda Gazas invånare

Häv blockaden

Gaza lever i mörkret, utan mat, utan medicin och utan bränsle. Israel har blockerat Gazaremsan, stängt av alla gränser och hindrat alla leveranser av livsmedel, bränsle och medicin att komma in. Den enda kraftverk i Gaza har stängts av på torsdag på grund av brist på bränsle.

FN tvingades avbryta matprogrammet som tjänar 750.000 palestinier på fredagen på grund av blockaden. El avbrott innebär också att höga byggnader är utan vatten.

Sjuttio procent av Gazaremsan lever i mörkret sedan söndag kväll efter att Israel blockerade bränsle leveranser till Gazas enda kraftverk.

Bristen på reservdelar innebär också att reparationer inte kan göras till generatorer som driver Gazas sjukhus och andra viktiga infrastrukturer. Den viktigaste källan till Europeiska sjukhuset i Gaza har redan stängts av.

Tidigare har israeliska gränspolisen förhindrat 15 lastbilar lastade med medicinering från att komma in i Gazaremsan på söndagen.

En hälsokatastrof kommer att inträffa om Israel fortsätter att förhindra transporten av läkemedel, bränsle och livsmedel till Gaza.

På söndag har dödssiffran stigit till 258, när en sju månader gammal baby dog på Al-Shifa sjukhuset i Gaza på grund av brist på medicin.

Cirka 400 patienter som lider av cancer och hjärtsjukdomar väntar på behandling utomlands men kan tyvärr inte åka på grund av Gazas blockad.

Vi vädjar till er i den svenska regeringen och till alla svenska parlamentariker att ingripa för att ”rädda Gazas invånare från en hälsokatastrof, som redan har börjat.”

Samir Jeresi

Verkställande direktör